I 


COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF MISSOURI 

/ 

Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the 
United States 


The Injustice gf History 

A NEGLECTED PATRIOT 


By 

COMPANION CAPTAIN WILLIAM R. HODGES 


Read October 4, 1913 


PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE COMMANDERY 






















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vvi 


The injustice of history 


A NEGLECTED PATRIOT 


By COMPANION CAPTAIN WILLIAM R. HODGES 


One day I came by chance upon the biography and writings of a man whom 
I had been taught in childhood to regard almost as an enemy of mankind. My 
first impulse was to give it no attention, but upon examination I became interested, 
and the result to me was most astounding. I then wrote this paper on the life 
and services of Thomas Paine to the American people before and during the 
War of the Revolution. My granddaughter was a pupil in one of our high schools, 
and in the curriculum of her studies was supposed to be familiar with all the 
prominent characters in the early history of our country. I read the paper to 
her and she manifested the utmost surprise, saying that she had scarcely heard 
of Thomas Paine. 

In March, 1775, Franklin maintained the assurance he had given Lord Chat¬ 
ham the year before, that he had never heard in America an expression in favor 
of independence, from any person drunk or sober, and in May of the same year 
George Washington in reply to the warning of the Rev. Johathan Boucher that 
the path he was entering might lead to separation with England, said: “If you 
ever hear of my joining in any such measures you have my leave to set me down 
for anything wicked.” What was commonly called the “massacre at Lexington,” 
roused the people and separation was talked by many, and in the Pennsylvania 
Journal of October 18th appeared an article by Thomas Paine, under the nom de 
plume of “Humanius,” the conclusion of which was as follows: “When I reflect 
on these, I hesitate not for a moment to believe that the Almighty will finally 
separate America from Britain. Call it independency or what you will, if it is 
the cause of God and humanity it will go on, and when the Almighty shall have 
blest us, and made us a people dependent only upon Him, then may our first 
gratitude be shown by an act of continental legislation, which shall put a stop 
to the importation of negroes for sale, soften the fate of those already here, and 
in time procure their freedom.” 

During the autumn of 1775 Paine wrote his pamphlet “Common Sense,” which 
with the New Year, as was said by Dr. Benjamin Rush, “burst from the press 
with an effect which has rarely been produced by types and paper in any age.” 
It reached Washington soon after the news that Norfolk, Va., had been burned 
by Lord Dunmore, and that Falmouth (now Portland), Maine, had been destroyed 
by ships under Admiral Graves. In a letter to Joseph Reed, from Cambridge, 
January 31st, he wrote: “A few more of such flaming arguments as were 
exhibited at Falmouth and Norfolk, added to the sound doctrine and unanswerable 
reasoning contained in the pamphlet “Common Sense,” will not leave numbers at 





a loss to decide upon the propriety of Separation.” Edmund Randolph, our first 
Attorney-General, who had been on Washington’s staff, ascribed independence 
“first to George III, but next to Thomas Paine, an Englishman by birth, and 
possessing an imagination which happily combined political topics, poured forth 
in a style hitherto unknown on this side of the Atlantic, from the ease with 
which it insinuated itself into the hearts of the people who were unlearned or 
of the learned.” Even Cheetham, Paine’s most malignant biographer, said in 1809 
of “Common Sense”; “Speaking a language which the colonists had felt but 
not thought, terrible in its consequences to the parent country, was unexampled 
in the history of the press.” It is said that probably half a million copies were 
sold at two shillings each. The author donated the copyright to the States for 
the cause of independence. He not only gave a fortune to the cause of freedom, 
but the publisher figured up a debt against him on account of “Common Sense” 
of about thirty pounds, notwithstanding the immense popularity he had gained. 
He also gave to the States the copyright to his thirteen pamphlets, “The Crisis,” 
and his biographer has said: “He ate his crust contentedly, peace finding him a 
penniless patriot who might easily have had fifty thousand pounds in his pocket.” 

Thomas Paine, when he arrived in America in November, 1774, brought a 
letter from Dr. Franklin to Richard Bache, his son-in-law. His first essay was 
published in the Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser, March 8, 1775, and 
entitled “African Slavery in America.” There were at that time about 6,000 
slaves in the State of Pennsylvania. He was the original abolitionist in this 
country. He became editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine, which attained great 
popularity. M. D. Conway, his biographer, says of the effects of his powerful 
writings: “Thus the Pennsylvania Magazine, in the time that Paine edited it, 
was a seed bag from which the sower scattered the seeds of great reforms, ripen¬ 
ing with the progress of civilization. Through the more popular press he sowed 
also. Events selected his seeds of American independence, of republican equality, 
freedom from royal, ecclesiastical and hereditary privilege, for a swifter and 
more imposing harvest, but the whole circle of human ideas and principles was 
recognized by this lone wayfaring man. The first to urge extension of the prin¬ 
ciples of independence to the enslaved negro; the first to arraign monarchy, and 
to point out the danger of its survival in presidency; the first to propose articles 
of a more thorough nationality to the new-born States; the first to advocate 
international arbitration; the first to expose the absurdity and criminality of 
dueling; the first to suggest more rational ideas of marriage and divorce; the first 
to advocate an international copyright; the first to plead for the animals; the 
first to demand justice for woman.” 

There can be little doubt that Paine was the author of the anti-slavery clause 
struck out of the Declaration of Independence by Jefferson because of the object- 
tion of Georgia, South Carolina, which desired to perpetuate slavery, and Northern 
men who were interested in the slave trade. Paine saw much of Jefferson at 
this period, and the language of the stricken clause is almost identical with that 
of Paine in his published essay on African slavery. He was firm in his conviction 
that while Americans were demanding freedom for themselves they could not 
withhold that boon from another race. It is more than probable that a large 
part of the animosity manifested toward Paine at that time came not only from 
the Tories whom he scored so unmercifully, but from the owners of and dealers 
in slaves. What a dire harvest of death and misery would have been averted if 
the appeals of this lover of humanity had been heeded. 




2 


While the signing of the Declaration of Independence, which covered a period 
from August to November, was in progress, Paine resigned from the Pennsylvania 
Magazine and enlisted in a Pennsylvania division of the Flying Camp of 10,000, 
who were sent wherever needed. This body volunteered for a brief period, and 
when the time had expired he traveled to Fort Lee on the Hudson to renew his 
enlistment. Fort Lee was under the command of General Nathaniel Greene, 
who, in September, 1776, appointed Paine a Volunteer aide-de-camp on his staff. 
On November 20th came the surprise at Fort Lee, and by November 22d the army 
had retreated to Newark. It was one of the darkest hours of the revolution. 
Washington’s letters at this time indicate the desperate straits of the Conti¬ 
nental forces. In December he wrote to his brother: “Your imagination can 
scarce extend to a situation more distressing than mine. Our only dependence 
now is upon the speedy enlistment of a new army. If this fails, I think the 
game will be pretty well up, as from disaffection and want of spirit and fortitude, 
the inhabitants instead of resistance, are offering submission and taking protection 
from General Howe.” It was at this time that Paine wrote the first number of 
his “Crisis.” Marching by day, thoroughly aware of the terrible conditions, he 
wrote by the camp fires at night amid the winter storms, the half-naked soldiers 
about him, skulking deserters creeping away in the darkness, the pallid face of 
the heavy-hearted commander before him. With the last of Washington’s fore¬ 
boding letters went to Philadelphia and the printer that wonderful appeal which 
lifted the gloom and gave heart to the army. The opening words alone were a 
victory: “These are the times that try men’s souls, the summer soldier and 
sunshine patriot will, in this Crisis, shrink from the service of his country, but he 
who stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, 
like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the 
harder the conflict the more glorious the triumph. What we obtain too cheap we 
estimate too lightly. ’Tis dearness only that gives everything its value. Heaven 
knows how to put a proper price upon its goods, and it would be strange indeed 
if so celestial an article as Freedom should not be highly rated.” It has' been 
said of this wonderful appeal—the above being only the opening paragraph: 
“America has known some utterances of the lips equivalent to decisive victories 
in the field, as some of Patrick Henry’s, President Lincoln’s at Gettysburg, but of 
utterances by the pen none have achieved such vast results as Paine’s “Common 
Sense” and his first “Crisis.” Before the battle of Trenton the half-clad, disheart¬ 
ened soldiers of Washington were called together in groups to listen to that 
thrilling exhortation. A new hope was burned into their hearts and their watch¬ 
word at Trenton was, “These are the times that try men’s souls,” the victory was 
won, the Hessians captured and it was said that a New Year broke for America 
on the morrow of that Christmas day, 1776.” 

Another writer, although an enemy of Paine, said of the effect of the first 
number of the “Crisis”: “The number was read in camp to every corporal’s 
guard, and in the army and out of it had more than the intended effect. The 
Convention of New York, reduced by dispersion occasioned by alarm to nine mem¬ 
bers, was rallied and reanimated. Militiamen who already tired of the war were 
straggling from the army, returned. Hope succeeded to despair, cheerfulness to 
gloom, and firmness to irresolution. To the confidence which it inspired may be 
attributed much of the brilliant little affair which in the same month followed 
at Trenton.” 

Immediately after the publication of the first “Crisis” Paine began to write 
another. It was charged by the Tories that he was a hireling scribe. This essay 


3 


was addressed to Lord Howe, who had offered the Americans mercy: “Your lord- 
ship, I find has now commenced as an author and published a proclamation. I have 
published a “Crisis,” what I write is pure nature, and my pen and my soul have 
ever gone together. My writings I have always given away, received only the 
expense of printing and paper, and sometimes not even that. 1 have never 
counted either fame or interest, and my manner of life to those who know it 
will justify what I say. My study is to be useful, and if your lordship loves man¬ 
kind as well as I do, you would, seeing you can not conquer us, cast about and 
lend towards accomplishing a peace. Our independence, with God’s blessing, we 
will maintain against the whole world, but as we wish to avoid evil ourselves, we 
wish not to inflict it on others.” 

On April 17, 1777, Congress transformed the “Committee of Secret Corre¬ 
spondence” into the “Committee of Foreign Affairs,” and Paine was elected its 
secretary, and he became in reality the secretary of foreign affairs. His election 
was not without opposition, and without doubt there was a secret and silent hos¬ 
tility to him on account of his anti-slavery views. It was a forecast of the fierce 
opposition developed at a later period towards the anti-slavery men of the North. 
After the disaster at Trenton the British forces suspended hostilities for a long 
time, and by the wish of those in authority Paine continued to wield his pen for 
the cause of independence. He occupied a commanding position in the hearts of 
the people, and he struck powerful blows at the enemies of freedom. The Quakers 
of Philadelphia were numerous and wealthy and largely loyal to the King. As 
Paine was of Quaker parentage they regarded him as Antichrist, but he scored 
them without mercy in his third “Crisis,” and proposed an oath or affirmation 
renouncing allegiance to the King, and pledging support to the United States, at 
the same time suggesting that a tax of ten, fifteen or twenty per cent be levied 
on all property in Philadelphia, and providing that by taking the oath one may 
exempt his property by holding himself ready to do what service he can for the 
cause, as he expressed it. “It would not only be good policy but strict justice to 
raise fifty or one hundred thousand pounds, or more, if it be necessary, out of 
the estates and property of the King of England’s votaries resident in Philadelphia, 
to be distributed as a reward to those inhabitants of the city and State who should 
turn out and repulse the enemy should they march this way.” This was written 
at a time when there was intense opposition both in and out of Congress to 
Washington’s proclamation demanding an oath of allegiance to the United States. 

I am obliged to pass over intervening events until 1780, when Paine issued 
his “Crisis Extraordinary,” in which he estimated that at least nine million dollars 
must be raised in order to carry the war to a successful issue. Congress esti¬ 
mated a million less. It was evident that the money could not be obtained in 
the country and that an appeal must be made to France. Colonel John Laurens, 
one of Washington’s aids, was appointed for the mission, as it was thought that 
he could explain the military situation. Laurens was reluctant to go, but finally 
consented provided that Paine should accompany him. To this Paine gladly con¬ 
sented, as he had a plan in his mind to go to England after the business in Prance 
should have been finished, and under the guise of an Englishman who had returned 
from America place before the English people the helplessness of subduing the 
Americans, create a sentiment which should compel the war to end and the 
acknowledgment of our independence. 

They sailed from Boston in February, 1781, and arrived at L’Orient in March. 
According to Lamartine, the King “loaded Paine with favors,” a gift of six millions 
was confided into the hands of Franklin and Paine. The author then unfolded« 


4 


to Laurens, and doubtless to Franklin, his plan for going to England, but was dis¬ 
suaded from it. They sailed from Brest on a French frigate June 1st, and reached 
Boston August 25th, with 2,500,000 livres in silver, and in convoy a ship laden 
with clothing and military stores. In the meantime Washington, on May 14, 1781, 
wrote to Philip Schuyler; “I have been exceedingly distressed by the repeated 
accounts I have received of the sufferings of the troops on the frontier, and the 
terrible consequences which must ensue unless they are speedily supplied. What 
gave particular poignancy to the sting I felt on the occasion was my inability to 
afford relief.” Soon after this he received a letter from Laurens advising him of 
the relief that was coming, but he was not at all certain that the convoys from 
France could escape British vigilance. He employed the long three months in 
preparations. By menacing the enemy in New York he made them draw off some 
of the forces of Cornwallis from Virginia when he intended to strike. He meant 
to take with him an army well clad and with silver in their pockets, but he con¬ 
fided his hopes of relief to no one, and his delay brought complaints from Jefferson 
and others. The arrival of the French supplies in August was soon heralded 
abroad, and while sixteen ox teams were conveying them to Philadelphia, Wash¬ 
ington secured all the money and supplies he needed for the campaign which 
resulted in the surrender of Cornwallis. 

The plan for securing the money from France was conceived by Paine. He 
undertook the expedition at great personal hazard, as if he had been captured by 
the British little mercy would they have shown him. Young Laurens, who by his 
indiscretion, nearly upset the entire business, got the pay and all the glory, and 
poor Paine received absolutely nothing. 

Washington was received with great enthusiasm by Congress on the 28th of 
November, and general feasting and joy prevailed, and Paine, the unrivaled literary 
lion, participated, and while no one was more thankful for the success of the cause 
to which he had devoted his life, his cup of joy was embittered by the financial 
straits in which he was involved. High honors and emoluments awaited all the 
leaders with the exception of himself. So far as his personal needs were con¬ 
cerned he was forgotten. He had given everything, copyrights, secretaryship, all 
personal interests were subordinate to the cause of independence, and now he 
found himself in a state of dependence. In the winter following his perilous jour¬ 
ney to France where he helped to secure the means with which to pay and equip 
the army for its final and successful campaign, he suffered actual want, and one 
can realize the sense of humiliation with which he felt obliged to remind Wash¬ 
ington of the sacrifices he had made, the services rendered, and the poverty to 
which he was reduced. In a confidential letter to Washington, than whom so 
great a man lived not in all the world, feasted and honored, he wrote, November 
30, 1781: “It is seven years this day since I arrived in America, and though I 
consider them the most honorary time of my life, they have nevertheless been 
the most inconvenient and distressing. Ffom an anxiety to support, as far as 
laid in my power, the reputation of the cause of America, as well as the cause 
itself, I declined the customary profits which authors are entitled to, and I have 
always continued to do so; yet I never thought (if I thought on the matter at all) 
but that as I dealt generously and honorably by America, she would deal the 
same by me. But I have experienced the contrary and it gives me much concern, 
not only on account of the inconvenience it has occasioned me, but because it 
unpleasantly lessens my opinion of the character of a country which once 
appeared so fair, and it hurts my mind to see her so cold and inattentive to mat¬ 
ters which affect her reputation.” 


5 


It appears that this letter roused Washington to action and that in February, 
1782, by an agreement on the part of Washington, Livingston and Robert Morris, 
as they expressed themselves in the written pledge, given him, “taking into con¬ 
sideration the important situation of affairs at the present moment, and the pro¬ 
priety and even necessity of informing the people and rousing them into action,” 
etc., it was agreed that he should receive a salary of $800.00 per annum, to be paid 
by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, for secret services, “it being explained by 
them that a public avowal of such an arrangement would subject Paine to injurious 
personal reflections. It will be remembered that Washington’s flnal order for the 
cessation of hostilities was not issued until April 18, 1783. Even before Paine 
received the commission from Washington, Morris and Livingston referred to, his 
pen had resumed its work and he continued at intervals to issue numbers of the 
“Crisis,” treating in a most able number of the whole subject of finance and taxa¬ 
tion. This was doubtless after consultation with Robert Morris, with whom he 
was on intimate terms. As he had been the first to raise the standard of inde¬ 
pendence, he was also the first to raise that of a Union above the States which 
should inherit the supremacy wrested from the Crown. The States were exceed¬ 
ingly jealous of their sovereignty. Before the Declaration of Independence Paine 
coined the phrase, “Free and Independent States of America,” “The Glorious 
Union,” and in his second “Crisis,” dated January, 1777, he says to Lord Howe: 
“The United States of America” sound as pompously in the world in history as 
“The Kingdom of Great Britain.” 

He lived in a modest little home in Bordentown into which he had put most 
of his savings. In September, 1783, Washington addressed to him the following 
letter: 

Rocky Hill. 

Dear Sir—I have learned since I have been at this place that you are at 
Bordentown. Whether for the sake of retirement or economy, I know not; be it 
for either, for both or whatever it may, if you will come to this place and partake 
with me I shall be exceedingly happy to see you. Your presence may remind Con¬ 
gress of your past services to this country, and if it is in my power to impress 
them, command my best services with freedom, as they will be rendered cheer¬ 
fully by one who entertains a lively sense of the importance of your works, and 
who with much pleasure subscribes himself. 

Your sincere friend, 

G. WASHINGTON. 

Paine had a happy visit at Washington headquarters. He was a warm-hearted, 
sensitive man, and such expressions of friendship and interest as were contained 
in the above letter touched him deeply. Under the influence of Washington, 
Morris, Jefferson and others the State of Pennsylvania voted him 500 pounds. 
Congress ordered the Treasurer to pay him $3,000, possibly to reimburse him for 
his expenses to France with Laurens, and New York presented him with an estate 
at New Rochelle, on which was a handsome house, once the patrimonial mansion 
of the Jays. 

With the successful termination of the war and the recognition of the inde¬ 
pendence of the Colonies new dangers beset the people, well-nigh exhausted by 
the long and weary struggle. There were thirteen separate and independent 
sovereignties, each jealous of its own right and prerogatives, with no bond of 
cohesion. The Constitution had not been evolved, and we know the long period 
of labor which followed before the real birth of the nation. 


6 


On the 19th of April, 1783, the eighth anniversary of the collision at Lexing^ 
ton, where the first blood in the revolution was shed, Paine wrote the thirteenth 
and last of his addresses to the people, called the “Crisis.” While it is a song 
of triumph, a matchless pean of joy on the successful issue of the war with the 
mother country, with the far-reaching mind of a statesman he pointed out that 
a glorious destiny awaited them only as a nation, as the United States of America. 

In a letter to Sir George Stanton, Paine writes; “The natural mightiness of 
America expands the mind, and partakes of the greatness it contemplates. Even 
the war, with all its evils, had some advantages. It energized invention and 
lessened the catalogue of impossibilities; at the conclusion of it every man returned 
to his home to repair the ravages it had occasioned, and to think no more of it. 
As one among thousands who had borne a share in that memorable revolution, I 
returned with them to the re-enjoyment of quiet life, and, that I might not be idle, 
undertook to construct a single arch of this river, the Schuylkill.” He was not 
only one of the most powerful writers of that or any age, but he possessed won¬ 
derful mathematical and mechanical genius. It has been said that “it would 
require a staff of specialists and a large volume to deal with Paine’s scientific 
studies and contrivances, with his planing machine, his new crane, his wheel of 
concentric rim, his scheme for using gunpowder as a motor, and, above all, his iron 
bridge,” with its arch of 500 feet. 

Paine resolved to take the model of his bridge to Paris and to gain, if possible, 
the approval of the Academy of Science; then to visit his mother, who was still 
living at Thetford, England. Taking a French packet from New York he had a 
swift voyage, and was soon receiving honors in Paris. He took with him letters 
from Franklin, but he hardly needed them. The Academy received him with the 
distinction due to an M. A., the degree conferred upon him by the University of 
Pennsylvania, a member of the Philosophical Society, and a friend of Franklin. 
A committee was appointed to report on models for iron bridges. In a letter to 
George Clymer in Philadelphia he says: “The committee was directed by the 
Academy to examine all the models and plans for iron bridges that had been pro¬ 
posed in France, and they unanimously gave the preference to mine.” 

He came in familiar contact with eminent men of all groups, philosophical 
and political—Condorcet, Achille, Duchatelet, Cardinal De Brienne, and probably 
with Danton. While the engineers were considering his daring plan for a bridge 
with a span of 500 feet, he was devising with the Cardinal Minister De Brienne a 
scheme for friendship between France and England. He drew up a paper upon 
which the Minister wrote his approval. This he carried by his own hand to 
Edmund Burke, the model of his bridge he sent to Sir Joseph Banks, President 
of the Royal Society. He went straightway to Thetford to his mother. She was 
in her ninety-first year and he seldom left her side that autumn. He settled an 
ample annuity upon her, and she lived until she was ninety-four. 

Extensive iron works at Yorkshire arranged to execute an experimental arch 
for his bridge, and the ironers fitted up a workshop for him. Here he was visited 
by famous engineers and political personages, and there and at London he was 
lionized as Franklin had been in Paris, and now at the country seat of the Duke of 
Portland or enjoying the hospitalities of Lord Fitzwilliam at Wentworth House. 
He was entertained and consulted on public affairs by Fox, Lord Landsdowne, Sir 
George Stanton, Sir Joseph Banks, and many an effort was made to enlist his pen. 
But it should be remarked that all this did not turn his head. 

No man had been more idealized by Paine than Edmund Burke, because of 
his magnificent defense of the American patriots. Regarding him as the great 


7 


champion of human liberty he took him to his heart. When, therefore, Burke 
delivered his attack on France and the Revolution in Parliament in 1790, and 
Paine learned that Burke had been for some time a pensioner to the extent of 
1500 pounds per annum, the lion was aroused, and as an answer “The Rights of 
Man” was written, which produced as profound an effect in England as “Common 
Sense” had in America. It«>is said that 200,000 copies were sold. The government 
became alarmed, the printers, booksellers and vendors were prosecuted and Paine 
himself was tried for treason, convicted and outlawed. This was the answer of 
royalty to the unanswerable statement that all authority is derived from the people, 
and that they have the right to establish any government they choose, be it 
democracy or monarchy, provided it is not hereditary, as one generation has not 
the power to bind a generation unborn. His pamphlet was translated into French 
and it became nearly as popular in France as it had been in England. On August 
26, 1792, the National Assembly conferred the title of French Citizen on Priestley, 
Paine, Pestalozzi, Washington, and others, and Paine was elected to the French 
Convention by three different departments. Fortunately, he left England to take 
his seat before the sentence of outlawry was pronounced against him or he would 
have been seized by the British Government, as he would not have fled from the 
consequences of an act of justice. 

After Louis XVI had been condemned to death Paine made a powerful appeal 
to the Convention to spare his life out of gratitude for the assistance he had ren¬ 
dered to the Colonies in their struggle for liberty. He concluded his appeal as 
follows: 

“Your Executive Committee will nominate an ambassador to Philadelphia. My 
sincere wish is that he may announce to America that the National Convention of 
France, out of friendship to America, has consented to respite Louis. That people, 
your only ally, have asked you by my vote to delay the execution. Ah, citizens, 
give not the tyrant of England the triumph of seeing the man perish on the 
scaffold who helped my dear brothers of America to break their chains.” 

His appeal was in vain and Paine was arrested and thrown into prison for 
pleading for the life of the King. Gouveneur Morris, the American Minister, hated 
Paine and made no effort to secure his release. He narrowly escaped the guillotine. 
Morris was Anally succeeded by Mr. Monroe, who at once addressed the Committee 
of General Surety as follows: 

“The citizens of the United States can not look back upon the time of their 
own revolution without recollecting among the names of their most distinguished 
patriots that of Thomas Paine; the services he rendered to his country in its 
struggle for freedom have implanted in the hearts of his countrymen a sense of 
gratitude never to be effaced so long as they shall deserve the title of a just and 
generous people.” It is with humiliation we must acknowledge that the American 
people have been neither just nor generous to the memory of Thomas Paine. He 
was released from prison at once and Mr. and Mrs. Monroe took him to their own 
home and nursed him back to health. He soon after returned to America and died 
at New Rochelle, N. Y,, June 8, 1809. 


Woodward & Tiernan Printing Company, 
St. Louis, Mo. 





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